China’s Unique Path to Nationhood: A Review of “The Making of the Modern Chinese State”

Have you ever wondered how modern-day China came to be? How did the People’s Republic of China establish itself as a political and military behemoth, an economic powerhouse, and a technological innovator? Many people outside of China are looking for answers to these questions, and increasingly, Chinese scholars and authors are publishing their own takes on the issue.

One recent book exploring the origins of modern China has become a best-seller in China and sparked a great deal of online discussion. The book, “现代中国的形成 (1600-1949)” or “The Making of the Modern Chinese State, 1600-1949,” was written by Huaiyin Li and published in February 2022 by Guangxi Normal University Press. The book has garnered significant attention on the Chinese internet, with over 1.4 million people following discussions about it. It enjoys a 91.3% recommendation rate among readers, and has an average rating of 8.8 out of 10 on Douban, a popular Chinese social networking service.

Li’s book argues that the creation of modern China was a unique process that defies easy categorization. Unlike other nations, China did not emerge from the collapse of a multiethnic empire. Instead, the country remained largely intact, both geographically and demographically, despite the turmoil of the 19th and 20th centuries. Additionally, unlike most other major powers, China did not transition to a Western-style representative democracy. Instead, the Chinese Communist Party established a highly centralized, authoritarian state. Li’s book explores the historical factors that led to these outcomes, and provides a nuanced and thought-provoking perspective on the making of modern China.

From Empire to Nation-State? The Qing Dynasty and the Expansion of China’s Borders

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Li argues that the making of modern China began in the early Qing dynasty when the Manchus conquered and integrated the frontiers of Inner Asia. The Qing dynasty (1644-1911) was founded by the Manchus, a nomadic people from Northeast China (then known as Manchuria). After conquering the Ming dynasty in 1644, the Manchus established their capital in Beijing and set about expanding their empire.

Over the next century, the Qing dynasty fought a series of wars that resulted in the incorporation of Outer Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Tibet into the Chinese empire. This expansion, culminating in the reign of the Qianlong Emperor (1736-1795), resulted in the largest territorial extent of any Chinese dynasty. While this expansion might seem similar to other instances of empire-building in world history, Li argues that there were some crucial differences in the motivations behind the Qing dynasty’s expansion.

Unlike other empires that expanded their territories in pursuit of wealth, resources, or religious conversion, the Qing dynasty was primarily concerned with securing its own geopolitical interests and strengthening their hold on their newly acquired “Chinese” territories. After establishing their rule over China proper, the Manchus were content to maintain the existing tributary system with neighboring states, a system inherited from the Ming Dynasty. This system involved surrounding states sending regular tribute missions to the Chinese court, acknowledging the Chinese emperor’s supremacy in the East Asian order. The Manchus were initially more concerned with consolidating their control over the former Ming territories, particularly by integrating the powerful Mongol tribes.

The Qing dynasty only began to expand its empire aggressively in the late 17th century when the Dzungar Mongols, a powerful nomadic tribe in Central Asia, began to pose a threat to the Qing dynasty’s core territory and, importantly, their alliance with the Mongols who were vital in securing their control over China proper. The Dzungars, under the leadership of Galdan, invaded Outer Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, and Tibet, all of which were considered vital to the Qing dynasty’s security. These actions threatened the stability of the Qing empire and directly challenged Manchu power.

The Qing dynasty responded to the Dzungar threat with a series of military campaigns that spanned decades. These campaigns were costly and logistically challenging, particularly given the vast distances and harsh terrain involved. Initially, the Kangxi Emperor (1662-1722) focused on defensive campaigns, repelling the Dzungar incursions into Qing territory. However, under the Yongzheng Emperor (1723-1735) and his successor, the Qianlong Emperor, the Qing adopted a more aggressive approach, seeking to eliminate the Dzungar threat entirely.

This culminated in the final conquest of the Dzungar Khanate in 1757, followed by the subjugation of the Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang (1758-1760). These victories brought vast new territories under Qing control, establishing the modern borders of China. However, unlike other empires that sought to extract resources from their newly conquered territories, the Qing dynasty took a different path. Concerned with the long-term stability of their empire, they recognized the importance of integrating these diverse frontier regions into the larger Chinese polity. This meant avoiding exploitative policies that might alienate the local population and, instead, focusing on incorporating local elites into the Qing administrative system.

This approach manifested in the form of subsidies provided to these frontier regions, financing their administration and development. The Qing government even went so far as to exempt newly cultivated lands in Xinjiang from taxation to encourage agricultural development. This contrasts sharply with the practices of other empires, such as the Ottomans or the Mughals, who often relied on heavy taxation and exploitative policies to extract wealth from their conquered territories.

In addition to military conquest and strategic financial policies, the Qing dynasty employed a range of measures to consolidate their rule over their vast, multiethnic empire. These included:

• Establishing a centralized bureaucracy staffed by both Manchu and Han Chinese officials: This dual administrative structure ensured both loyalty to the dynasty from the Manchus and effective governance through experienced Han bureaucrats familiar with Chinese administrative practices. The Qing adopted the Confucian examination system, allowing ambitious Han Chinese to enter the civil service, further integrating them into the Qing state.
• Promoting Confucianism and adopting many of the institutions of the Ming dynasty: By embracing Confucianism and adopting the existing administrative practices of the Ming, the Qing presented themselves as legitimate successors to the “Mandate of Heaven,” securing the support of the Han Chinese elite and population. They maintained the existing six ministries, responsible for various aspects of governance, and continued the practice of appointing provincial governors and other officials to manage local affairs.
• Granting a high degree of autonomy to local elites in frontier regions: This pragmatic approach to governance allowed the Qing to maintain control over their vast empire without directly administering every region. They appointed or recognized local leaders, respecting existing power structures and avoiding unnecessary disruption. This approach proved effective in managing diverse populations like the Mongols and Tibetans.
• Patronizing Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia and Tibet: Recognizing the importance of religion in these regions, the Qing emperors provided generous support to Tibetan Buddhist institutions and lamas. This not only secured the loyalty of religious leaders but also served as a crucial tool for integrating these regions into the larger Chinese empire. However, the Qing also took steps to prevent the emergence of a unified and potentially powerful Buddhist organization that could challenge the state. They implemented measures to control the selection of important religious figures, like the Dalai Lama, ensuring their loyalty to the Qing court.
• Encouraging Han Chinese migration to frontier regions: This policy aimed to integrate these regions more closely with China proper. Han Chinese migration, particularly to Manchuria, was seen as a way to strengthen Qing control and solidify their claim to these territories.

These integrated policies proved largely successful in maintaining the stability of the Qing empire for over two centuries. However, by the 19th century, the Qing dynasty faced a new set of challenges, both internally and externally. The unprecedented population growth, coupled with the arrival of the Western powers and the rise of a modernizing Japan, would ultimately undermine the Qing’s stability and lead to its downfall. Nonetheless, the Qing dynasty’s unique approach to empire-building left a lasting legacy on China. It laid the groundwork for the territorial expanse and multi-ethnic composition of modern China. The integration of the frontier regions into the Chinese polity during the Qing dynasty played a crucial role in shaping China’s identity as a unified, multi-ethnic nation, a concept that continues to define the People’s Republic of China today.

From Tributary System to Treaty Ports: The Qing Dynasty’s Encounter with the West

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The 19th century marked a period of profound upheaval for the Qing dynasty, as China’s traditional worldview and geopolitical order collided with the rising tide of Western power. This encounter, fueled by Western industrial and military might, irrevocably altered China’s relationship with the world, forcing the Qing dynasty to confront the realities of a rapidly changing international system.

For centuries, China had operated within a Sinocentric worldview, considering itself the “Middle Kingdom,” the cultural and political center of the world. This worldview was manifested in the tributary system, a hierarchical order in which neighboring states acknowledged Chinese supremacy through ritualistic tribute missions to the emperor. This system, more symbolic than economically driven, served to reinforce China’s perception of its place in the world and, importantly, the legitimacy of the ruling dynasty.

This established order began to crumble in the late 18th century with the arrival of Western powers, particularly Great Britain, seeking to expand their trade with China. Driven by the burgeoning Industrial Revolution, Western nations demanded access to Chinese markets for their manufactured goods and sought valuable Chinese exports like tea, silk, and porcelain. Frustrated by the Qing dynasty’s strict regulations that limited foreign trade to the port of Canton and mandated transactions through the Co-hong merchant guild, Western powers pressed for greater access and diplomatic recognition on an equal footing.

The Qing dynasty, however, viewed Western demands through the lens of their traditional worldview. Accepting foreign envoys as equals challenged the emperor’s perceived status as the “Son of Heaven” and undermined the legitimacy of the dynasty. The refusal to grant Western nations equal diplomatic standing, coupled with attempts to control the flow of opium into China, ultimately led to the First Opium War (1839-1842).

The First Opium War exposed the vulnerability of the Qing military against Western naval and technological superiority. The British, wielding advanced weaponry and a powerful navy, easily defeated the Qing forces, forcing the dynasty to sign the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842. This treaty, the first in a series of “unequal treaties,” opened up five Chinese ports to foreign trade, granted extraterritoriality to British citizens, ceded Hong Kong Island to Great Britain, and imposed a hefty indemnity on China.

This humiliating defeat shattered China’s sense of self-sufficiency and challenged the fundamental tenets of the Sinocentric worldview. The Qing dynasty was forced to abandon its traditional tributary system, as Western powers imposed a new order based on the Westphalian model of sovereign nation-states with equal legal standing. China, accustomed to dictating the terms of its interactions with foreign entities, was now treated as just another nation-state within a Western-dominated international system.

The Qing dynasty, though initially resistant to this new reality, recognized the necessity of adapting to the growing power of the West. This realization led to the Self-Strengthening Movement, a series of reforms aimed at modernizing China’s military and industry. Key figures like Prince Gong and Zeng Guofan, recognizing the need for Western technology to strengthen China, advocated for adopting Western military hardware, establishing modern arsenals and shipyards, and translating Western scientific and technical texts.

The movement saw the creation of modern arsenals like the Jiangnan Arsenal in Shanghai and the Foochow Arsenal, both producing firearms and ammunition based on Western designs. The Qing navy also underwent modernization, acquiring Western-style warships to bolster its coastal defenses. The movement, however, faced significant challenges. It was largely driven by provincial leaders like Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang who controlled the resources and spearheaded these modernization efforts. This resulted in a decentralized approach to modernization, with varying degrees of success across different provinces, highlighting the limitations of the Qing central government’s ability to control and coordinate these efforts effectively.

Moreover, the Self-Strengthening Movement failed to address the fundamental issues plaguing the Qing dynasty. The deeply entrenched Confucian bureaucracy, resistant to change and often corrupt, hindered effective implementation of reforms. The emphasis on adopting Western technology without fully understanding its underlying scientific principles proved to be a significant limitation. The movement was further hampered by the Qing court’s own ambivalence towards modernization, with conservative elements resistant to adopting Western practices and clinging to the traditional worldview.

Ultimately, the Self-Strengthening Movement, though showcasing a recognition of the need for change, proved insufficient to stem the tide of China’s decline. The defeat in the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901) further exposed the limitations of the movement and the continued vulnerability of the Qing dynasty. These events, coupled with internal rebellions and growing social unrest, ultimately contributed to the downfall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, marking the end of imperial rule in China.

The Qing dynasty’s encounter with the West in the 19th century was a traumatic experience that forced China to confront the realities of a world it no longer dominated. The transition from the Sinocentric tributary system to the Westphalian system of nation-states proved to be a painful and humiliating process. The Self-Strengthening Movement, while failing to fully modernize China, represented the beginning of a long and arduous journey toward national rejuvenation, a journey that would continue throughout the 20th century and into the present.

A Century of Unification: From Regional Warlords to One-Party Rule

The fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, while marking the end of imperial China, did not usher in an era of stability and unity. Instead, it plunged the nation into decades of political fragmentation, fierce military rivalries, and civil war. This chaotic period, often referred to as the “Warlord Era,” saw the country fractured into regional power bases, each controlled by military strongmen who commanded their own armies and governed their territories with varying degrees of autonomy.

This fragmentation was a direct consequence of the Qing dynasty’s decline and the gradual decentralization of power that characterized its final decades. As discussed in previous sections, the devolution of fiscal and military authority to provincial leaders, while initially strengthening the Qing state’s response to internal and external threats, ultimately undermined the central government’s ability to maintain control. This trend, already apparent during the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864), accelerated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, leading to the emergence of powerful regional actors who challenged the central government’s authority.

The 1911 Revolution, though successful in toppling the Qing dynasty, failed to establish a strong and unified republic. The newly formed Republic of China, headquartered in Beijing, inherited a weakened central government and a deeply divided military. The first president, Yuan Shikai, a former Qing general who played a key role in the dynasty’s demise, attempted to consolidate his power and restore a centralized authoritarian regime. However, his efforts met with resistance from both pro-democracy advocates and regional military leaders, ultimately leading to his downfall and the disintegration of the central government’s authority.

The ensuing years witnessed the rise of powerful regional warlords who carved out their own domains and engaged in constant power struggles. These warlords, often former Qing military officers or ambitious local strongmen, commanded personal armies financed through control of local resources, taxation, and, in some cases, foreign support. The central government, lacking both the military muscle and financial resources to exert its authority, became largely a figurehead, with real power residing in the hands of these regional warlords.

While this era was marked by political instability and frequent military clashes, it also witnessed significant efforts at regional state-building. These regional regimes, though often motivated by self-interest and ambition, implemented various measures to consolidate their control and build up their power bases. These measures included:

• Centralization of administrative and military structures: Successful warlords like Zhang Zuolin in Manchuria (the leader of the Fengtian clique) and Yan Xishan in Shanxi, recognizing the importance of a unified and cohesive power structure, implemented measures to consolidate their control over their respective territories. They appointed loyalists to key positions, standardized military training and organization, and established centralized financial institutions to manage their resources.
• Development of modern industries and infrastructure: Recognizing the importance of economic power in sustaining their military ambitions, these warlords invested in developing modern industries and infrastructure within their territories. Zhang Zuolin, for example, spearheaded the development of Manchuria’s industrial base, investing in mining, forestry, and manufacturing, as well as expanding the region’s railway network. Yan Xishan similarly focused on industrial development in Shanxi, notably establishing the Taiyuan Arsenal, one of China’s largest and most advanced arms factories at the time.
• Promoting regional autonomy and fostering local identities: To legitimize their rule and rally support from local populations, these warlords often championed regional autonomy and fostered local identities, emphasizing the distinct cultural and historical characteristics of their respective territories. This was particularly evident in the case of the “New Guangxi Clique” led by Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, and Huang Shaohong. They implemented their “Three Self Policies” (self-defense, self-government, and self-sufficiency), promoting Guangxi’s economic and social development while also building up its military strength, effectively transforming Guangxi into a relatively stable and prosperous regional entity.

The success of these regional regimes in building up their power bases, however, ultimately contributed to the perpetuation of China’s political fragmentation. These warlords, though nominally recognizing the central government in Beijing, were primarily concerned with their own regional interests, frequently clashing over resources and territory, and hindering efforts at national unification.

The emergence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the 1920s added another layer of complexity to this already volatile political landscape. The CCP, founded in 1921 with the goal of establishing a communist state in China, initially cooperated with the Nationalist Party (KMT) led by Sun Yat-sen, forming the First United Front in 1924. This alliance aimed to defeat the warlords and unify the country. The KMT, under Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership after Sun Yat-sen’s death in 1925, launched the Northern Expedition in 1926, a military campaign that successfully defeated many of the powerful warlords in central and eastern China.

However, this alliance proved short-lived. Ideological differences and power struggles between the CCP and KMT led to the breakdown of the United Front in 1927. Chiang Kai-shek, fearing the CCP’s growing influence and determined to establish a one-party state under the KMT, launched a bloody purge of communists within the KMT ranks and the newly conquered territories. This marked the beginning of the Chinese Civil War, pitting the CCP against the KMT in a protracted struggle for control of China.

The CCP, facing a stronger and better-equipped KMT army backed by foreign support, adopted a strategy of rural-based guerrilla warfare. They established “Soviet areas” in remote regions of central and southern China, mobilizing the peasantry and implementing land redistribution policies to secure their support. These areas served as bases for launching guerrilla attacks against KMT forces and for developing a self-sufficient economic and administrative system.

The Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) provided a temporary respite in the civil war, as both the CCP and KMT formed the Second United Front to resist Japanese aggression. This war, however, further exposed the limitations of the KMT’s state-building efforts. Despite receiving significant aid from the United States, the KMT government struggled to effectively mobilize its resources and fight a coordinated war against Japan. Corruption within the KMT ranks, coupled with the party’s failure to implement meaningful social and economic reforms, alienated many segments of the population, particularly the peasantry, who increasingly viewed the CCP as a more viable alternative.

The CCP, in contrast, utilized the war to strengthen its position, expanding its influence in the countryside and gaining valuable military experience through guerrilla warfare against the Japanese. By war’s end, they controlled a significant portion of China’s territory and had a well-organized and disciplined army of over one million soldiers.

With Japan’s defeat in 1945, the Chinese Civil War resumed with renewed intensity. Despite initial U.S. support for the KMT, the CCP, leveraging its wartime gains, superior organization, and effective mobilization strategies, decisively defeated the KMT in a series of major campaigns, culminating in the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The CCP’s victory marked the end of a century of political fragmentation and ushered in a new era of one-party rule in China, a system that continues to define the country’s political landscape today.

Conclusion: The Legacy of State-Making in Modern China

The making of modern China has been a long and complex process, defying simplistic narratives of a linear progression from empire to nation-state. As Huaiyin Li’s “The Making of the Modern Chinese State” meticulously demonstrates, China’s journey has been a unique blend of continuity and transformation, marked by a persistent drive toward centralization amidst periods of decentralization and upheaval. The modern Chinese state, a formidable entity on the world stage, bears the imprint of its complex past. Its vast size and multiethnic composition are legacies of the Qing dynasty’s frontier expansion and integration, while its centralized political structure reflects the enduring influence of China’s imperial past and the challenges of unifying a vast and diverse nation in the 20th century.

Li’s insightful analysis reveals the distinct dynamics that shaped China’s path to modernity, highlighting the interplay of geopolitical pressures, fiscal constraints, and evolving notions of national identity. This book is crucial for anyone seeking to understand the historical forces that have shaped China’s current trajectory, particularly its unwavering focus on national unity and its continued reliance on a strong centralized state. While not yet available in English, “The Making of the Modern Chinese State” is a must-read for those seeking a nuanced understanding of China’s rise to global prominence and the challenges that lie ahead.