In recent years, the phrase “小镇做题家” (xiǎo zhèn zuò tí jiā), which translates to “small-town test-takers,” has become a ubiquitous meme on the Chinese internet. While often used self-deprecatingly, it reveals a deep-seated anxiety surrounding the value of higher education in China. The term refers to students from less privileged backgrounds, often rural areas, who excel in standardized tests and gain admission to elite universities through sheer hard work and rote memorization. However, the meme suggests that these students, despite their academic achievements, often struggle to adapt to the social and cultural norms of elite universities and the competitive job market, ultimately failing to achieve the upward mobility they had hoped for. This popular discourse reflects a growing concern that a prestigious university degree no longer guarantees a bright future, particularly for those who lack the cultural capital and social connections of their more privileged peers.
Zheng Yajun’s “After the Golden List: The Mystery of College Graduates’ Divergent Paths,” published by Shanghai Sanlian Bookstore in January 2023, delves into this complex issue. The book, based on her master’s thesis, offers a compelling sociological analysis of the experiences of underprivileged students in two of China’s most prestigious universities – anonymized as “Northern University” and “Southern University.” Through in-depth interviews with 62 graduating students, Zheng meticulously examines their struggles and triumphs, their anxieties and aspirations.
The book has been well-received by Chinese readers, earning an 8.4 rating on Douban, a popular Chinese social networking service that allows users to rate and review books, movies, and music. Many reviewers praise the book’s insightful analysis of the hidden cultural barriers faced by underprivileged students and its nuanced portrayal of their diverse experiences. Douban readers frequently describe the book as “thought-provoking,” “insightful,” and “offering a much-needed perspective on the realities of higher education in China.”
“After the Golden List” goes beyond simply documenting the struggles of underprivileged students. It aims to unravel the puzzle of why these students, despite their impressive academic achievements, often find themselves at a disadvantage in terms of career prospects and social mobility. Zheng challenges the simplistic assumption that meritocratic competition ensures equal opportunities for all, arguing that the transition from elite university to the job market is not a level playing field. Her book delves into the “black box” of higher education, exploring how subtle yet powerful cultural mechanisms contribute to the reproduction of social inequalities, even within the supposedly meritocratic walls of China’s most prestigious universities.
The landscape of higher education in China has undergone a dramatic transformation in recent decades, mirroring the country’s broader economic and social shifts. The transition from a planned economy to a market economy has had a profound impact on universities, pushing them to adopt a more competitive and market-oriented approach. This shift has been accompanied by a massive expansion of higher education, fueled by the government’s ambitious goal of building a “knowledge economy.” The gross enrollment rate in higher education has soared from a mere 3.4% in 1998 to an impressive 51.6% in 2021, making China home to the largest higher education system in the world.
This rapid expansion, coupled with market reforms, has had a significant impact on Chinese graduates’ employment prospects. The once-guaranteed job assignments for university graduates have been replaced by a fierce competition for jobs in an increasingly demanding and globalized market. As millions of graduates enter the workforce each year, the value of a university degree, particularly from less prestigious institutions, has inevitably declined, a phenomenon known as credential inflation. To stand out in this crowded job market, students are expected to possess not only strong academic credentials but also a range of “soft skills,” such as communication, teamwork, and problem-solving abilities. Moreover, the rise of global competition means that Chinese graduates are increasingly competing with their counterparts from around the world, putting even more pressure on them to acquire specialized knowledge and skills that are valued in international markets.
China’s elite universities, including “Northern University” and “Southern University,” occupy a unique position within this changing landscape. These institutions, renowned for their academic excellence and rigorous selection processes, continue to enjoy a high level of prestige and influence in Chinese society. They play a crucial role in training the country’s future leaders, scientists, and innovators, serving as key pillars of the socialist system. The government exerts significant influence over these universities, guiding their research priorities and promoting their role in national development. These elite institutions often emphasize academic achievement and national service, instilling in their students a sense of responsibility to contribute to the betterment of society.
However, these historical legacies and institutional characteristics also create a complex and often confusing “maze” for students, particularly those from less privileged backgrounds. The rules of the game within these elite universities are not always clear, often operating through unspoken norms and implicit expectations. Navigating this “maze” successfully requires a certain cultural knowledge and skills – a familiarity with the dominant discourse, an understanding of the unwritten rules, and an ability to leverage social connections – that are often taken for granted by students from more advantaged backgrounds. For students who lack this cultural capital, the path to success is fraught with challenges and uncertainties. They may excel in academic coursework but struggle to decipher the hidden curriculum, navigate complex social hierarchies, or access valuable internship and research opportunities. The pressure to conform to the unspoken norms of the elite can be overwhelming, leading some to doubt their own abilities and question their place within this prestigious environment.
French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus provides a powerful lens for understanding the persistent influence of social class on student behavior, even within the seemingly meritocratic realm of elite universities. Habitus refers to a system of deeply ingrained dispositions, perceptions, and action strategies that individuals acquire through their upbringing and social experiences. It is a “feel for the game,” an intuitive understanding of the rules, norms, and expectations of a particular social field. Habitus operates largely unconsciously, shaping our tastes, preferences, and actions without our conscious awareness. Crucially, habitus is class-based: different social classes develop distinct habitus that reflect their unique social positions and life experiences.
Zheng Yajun’s research reveals how students entering elite universities arrive not only with different levels of academic preparation but also with distinct habitus shaped by their social origins and family backgrounds. Through her in-depth interviews, she identifies two contrasting modes of navigating university life: the “goal-oriented mode” and the “intuition-dependent mode.” These modes represent two distinct ways of approaching the challenges and opportunities of elite higher education, reflecting deeply ingrained differences in students’ mindsets, cognitive frameworks, and action strategies.
Students who utilize the goal-oriented mode approach university life with a clear sense of purpose and direction. They view university as a stepping stone to a desired career path and actively manage their time and efforts to acquire the necessary knowledge, skills, and experiences to achieve their goals. They are adept at deciphering the unspoken rules of the game, navigating complex social hierarchies, and leveraging social connections to their advantage. They are strategic and proactive in their academic and extracurricular pursuits, always keeping their long-term goals in mind. These students often view university as a competitive arena, where success is measured by tangible achievements such as high grades, prestigious internships, and coveted job offers.
This strategic and goal-driven approach is often rooted in a habitus shaped by an upbringing in families with high levels of cultural capital and social connections. These families often have direct experience with higher education and the professional world, providing their children with valuable insights into the “rules of the game” and the strategies for success. From an early age, these students are exposed to a discourse that emphasizes planning, goal-setting, and achievement. They learn to view the future as something that can be actively shaped and controlled through deliberate effort and strategic choices. Their families provide them with the resources and support necessary to pursue their ambitions, whether it be access to quality education, extracurricular activities, or valuable social networks.
In contrast, students who rely on the intuition-dependent mode tend to approach university life with a less defined sense of purpose and direction. They often view university as a place to explore their interests and develop their talents, but they struggle to articulate clear career goals or translate their academic achievements into tangible career outcomes. They are less adept at deciphering the unspoken rules of the game, navigating complex social networks, or accessing valuable opportunities. They tend to be more reactive than proactive, often making decisions based on intuition, circumstance, or peer influence rather than long-term strategic planning. These students may excel in certain areas, such as academic coursework or specific extracurricular activities, but they often lack a coherent strategy for maximizing their potential or achieving their goals.
This intuition-dependent mode is often rooted in a habitus shaped by an upbringing in families with lower levels of cultural capital and social connections. Their families often lack direct experience with higher education or the professional world, providing less guidance on how to navigate the complexities of university life or the competitive job market. These students may be the first in their families to attend university, making their transition particularly challenging. They often arrive at university with a limited understanding of the “rules of the game” and the strategies for success. They may excel at rote memorization and test-taking but struggle to adapt to the more open-ended and independent learning environment of elite universities. They may also be less comfortable engaging with authority figures or navigating complex social situations, hindering their ability to access valuable resources or build supportive social networks.
While these two modes represent ideal types, Zheng’s research reveals that students’ navigation of university life is often more complex and nuanced. Some students may exhibit elements of both modes, while others may shift between modes over time as they gain experience and develop a clearer sense of self and their aspirations. However, her findings suggest that the use of each mode is significantly shaped by students’ social origins and family backgrounds. Students from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to rely on the intuition-dependent mode, which can put them at a disadvantage in the competition for prestigious internships, graduate school admissions, and coveted job offers.
The concept of habitus offers a compelling explanation for why social class continues to exert a significant influence on student behavior, even within the seemingly meritocratic environment of elite universities. By understanding the different habitus that students bring to university, we can better appreciate the challenges faced by students from disadvantaged backgrounds and develop more effective strategies to support their success.
While navigating the complex maze of elite higher education, students invest their time and energy in a wide range of academic and social activities, aiming to acquire the knowledge, skills, and experiences they believe will lead to a successful future. However, as Zheng’s research reveals, the returns on these investments are not equal for all. The two modes of navigating university – goal-oriented and intuition-dependent – lead to distinct investment strategies, with the former often yielding more favorable outcomes, particularly in the fiercely competitive arena of career advancement.
Students operating in the goal-oriented mode exhibit a keen awareness of the long game. Their investments are strategic and carefully calibrated to align with their pre-defined career aspirations. Knowing that academic performance is a crucial stepping stone, they maintain a strong GPA, not necessarily for the love of learning, but as a strategic necessity to unlock future opportunities, whether it be graduate school admissions, prestigious scholarships, or a competitive edge in the job market. However, their focus extends far beyond the classroom. Recognizing the importance of building a compelling resume, they seek out internships and research experiences that align with their career interests, even if it means sacrificing leisure time or forgoing less “strategic” extracurricular pursuits. They actively network with professors and professionals, attending conferences and workshops to gain valuable insights and connections. Every activity is assessed for its potential to enhance their future prospects, maximizing their returns on every invested hour.
In contrast, students relying on the intuition-dependent mode often struggle to translate their efforts into tangible career advantages. Their investments are less strategic, driven more by immediate interests or peer influence than a calculated long-term vision. While they may excel in certain areas, their lack of awareness regarding the unwritten rules of the game can lead to wasted efforts and missed opportunities. For instance, they may dedicate significant time and energy to coursework in a subject they genuinely enjoy, but one that holds little value in the job market. They may participate in extracurricular activities for social connection or personal fulfillment, neglecting to cultivate the skills and experiences that employers seek. Their social networks often remain limited to friends with similar backgrounds, missing out on the valuable connections and information that can be gained through interaction with more diverse peers. Their efforts, while sincere and heartfelt, often lack a strategic focus, resulting in a less impressive resume and a diminished sense of direction when facing the daunting prospect of career choices.
The disparity in outcomes between these two modes highlights the powerful influence of structural factors in shaping students’ investment patterns. The advantage enjoyed by those in the goal-oriented mode stems not only from their individual drive and ambition but also from their access to a particular kind of cultural capital – a set of knowledge, skills, and dispositions that are valued within the elite social field. Students from more privileged backgrounds often inherit this cultural capital from their families, who possess direct experience with higher education and the professional world. They have been socialized from a young age to understand the “rules of the game,” to value strategic planning and achievement, and to navigate complex social situations with ease. Their families provide them with the resources and networks necessary to pursue their ambitions, opening doors to exclusive opportunities.
Moreover, these students often have better access to information crucial for making strategic decisions. Their families, friends, and mentors can provide them with inside knowledge about the job market, graduate school admissions, and the unwritten rules of success in different fields. They may also have access to expensive test preparation courses, career counseling services, and prestigious internship programs, further enhancing their competitive edge.
In contrast, students from less privileged backgrounds often lack this cultural capital and access to information. Their families may lack direct experience with higher education or the professional world, leaving them with limited guidance on navigating these unfamiliar terrains. They may be the first in their families to attend university, facing a steeper learning curve and a greater sense of uncertainty. The lack of resources and networks can make it challenging for them to access valuable opportunities, even if they possess the talent and motivation to succeed.
However, Zheng’s research also highlights the transformative potential of social engagement and peer interaction in helping students, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds, to develop a clearer sense of self and their career aspirations. Through participation in student organizations, volunteer activities, and informal interactions with peers from diverse backgrounds, students can gain valuable insights into different career paths, develop new skills and perspectives, and build supportive social networks that can open doors to unexpected opportunities.
For example, Gao Cheng, a student from a rural background who initially entered Northern University with vague aspirations of working in a prestigious international company, found his perspective transformed through his involvement in student government and social service activities. Through these experiences, he witnessed firsthand the impact of public service and developed a newfound appreciation for the value of contributing to the betterment of society. He also gained insights into the “rules of the game” within the government sector and developed the skills and connections necessary to pursue a career in public administration. Ultimately, he chose to forgo a lucrative job offer from a multinational corporation in favor of a less financially rewarding but more personally meaningful position as a civil servant in a local government.
These transformative experiences often involve a re-evaluation of personal values and beliefs, as students confront new perspectives and challenge their pre-existing assumptions. Through interaction with peers from diverse backgrounds, students can gain a broader understanding of the world and their place within it. They may come to see that success can be defined in multiple ways, not just through material wealth or social status. They may also develop a greater appreciation for the complexities of social issues and a desire to contribute to solutions. These shifts in perspective can lead to a more purposeful and fulfilling approach to career choices, even if it means deviating from the path expected of them by their families or society.
Ultimately, while structural factors play a significant role in shaping students’ investment patterns and career outcomes, social engagement and peer interaction can provide a powerful counterforce, fostering personal growth, expanding horizons, and opening doors to unexpected opportunities. Recognizing the transformative potential of these experiences can help us develop more effective strategies to support the success of all students, regardless of their social origins or family backgrounds.
Navigating the intricate maze of elite higher education is only half the battle for China’s top university students. As graduation looms, they face the daunting task of choosing a direction – a career path that will shape their future trajectory and determine their place within society. This decision, often laden with anxiety and uncertainty, forces them to confront a fundamental question: What is the meaning and purpose of work? This question, seemingly straightforward, is fraught with complexities in contemporary Chinese society, where rapid economic transformation, shifting cultural values, and intense competition for scarce resources create a dynamic and often disorienting landscape for young people seeking to define their place in the world.
This chapter delves into the intricate relationship between students’ values and beliefs and their career choices, revealing how they draw upon diverse cultural resources to construct meaning in work. Zheng’s research identifies three prominent cultural schemas that students employ to make sense of their career aspirations: Family Responsibility, National Service, and Self-expression. These schemas, while often intertwined, represent distinct ways of understanding the purpose and value of work, reflecting the influence of family upbringing, university education, and the prevailing market logic.
Family Responsibility is deeply rooted in Confucian values that emphasize filial piety, family harmony, and social order. This schema casts work as a means of providing for one’s family, securing a stable income, and upholding the family’s social standing. For many students, particularly those from less privileged backgrounds, fulfilling this obligation is paramount, driving their career choices towards stable and respectable professions that offer financial security and social respectability. This schema is often reinforced by parents, who themselves may have experienced economic hardship or social instability, instilling in their children a deep sense of responsibility to secure a better future for themselves and their families.
For instance, Mei Hua, a hardworking engineering student from a rural family burdened by her father’s disability and the untimely death of her mother, exemplifies this mindset. Having witnessed her older sister sacrifice her education to support the family, Mei Hua feels a profound obligation to reciprocate this sacrifice through her career success. Her choice of pursuing a stable government job close to home, despite receiving higher-paying offers from private companies, reflects her unwavering commitment to fulfilling her family responsibilities.
National Service, often interwoven with Family Responsibility, reflects a deep-seated belief in the importance of contributing to the collective good and serving the nation. This schema, instilled through patriotic education and the pervasive discourse of national rejuvenation, imbues work with a sense of purpose that transcends individual gain. For many students, particularly those from families with a history of public service or those who have been actively involved in student government or social service activities, working for the government or state-owned enterprises is seen as a noble calling, a way to make a tangible contribution to the betterment of society.
Gao Cheng, whose trajectory from an aspiring finance professional to a dedicated civil servant was outlined in the previous chapter, exemplifies this shift in values. His involvement in student government and social service activities at Northern University exposed him to the impact of public service and led him to re-evaluate his career aspirations. He ultimately chose to pursue a less lucrative but more personally meaningful career in public administration, driven by a deep sense of responsibility to contribute to the betterment of society.
Self-expression, a more recent and individualized schema, emerges from the growing influence of market forces and the burgeoning consumer culture in China. This schema positions work as a means of pursuing personal interests, expressing one’s individuality, and experiencing a fulfilling and “interesting” life. For many students, particularly those from more affluent backgrounds, the pursuit of personal fulfillment and self-actualization takes precedence over traditional notions of social duty or family obligation. They seek careers that align with their passions and talents, even if it means forgoing financial security or social status. They view work as an opportunity for personal growth and self-discovery, rather than simply a means to an end.
For example, Qin Kai, a charismatic chemistry student from a wealthy entrepreneurial family, articulates this desire for an “interesting” life: “Money is important, of course, but to me, it doesn’t really matter if I’m making 20,000 yuan or 40,000 yuan a month. What’s more important is whether I can achieve something interesting while I’m making money. If I can find a job that allows me to work, say, 10 hours or even 6 hours a day, and still find it interesting, that would be even better. After all, with a job like that, you could also go to Europe for a vacation, go to America for a vacation, right?” This desire for a fulfilling and multifaceted life, unconstrained by material needs, drives Qin Kai’s decision to pursue a career in finance, despite receiving offers from prestigious research institutions.
These three cultural schemas are not mutually exclusive. Students often draw upon multiple schemas to make sense of their career aspirations, resulting in hybrid and nuanced understandings of the purpose and value of work. Moreover, the relative salience of each schema varies significantly across social class, reflecting the differential influence of family, university, and market forces on students’ worldviews.
While Family Responsibility and National Service are deeply embedded in the Chinese cultural fabric, their influence is particularly pronounced among students from less privileged backgrounds, who are often socialized to prioritize social duty and family obligations over individual aspirations. For these students, the pressure to secure a stable and respectable job, one that can provide for their families and contribute to the betterment of society, often overshadows the pursuit of personal fulfillment or self-expression.
In contrast, students from more affluent backgrounds, often immersed in a consumer culture that celebrates individuality and self-actualization, are more likely to prioritize Self-expression in their career choices. They are more likely to view work as a means of pursuing personal passions and achieving a sense of meaning and purpose beyond material gain. However, even these students are not immune to the influence of Family Responsibility or National Service, as these schemas remain deeply embedded in the broader cultural context.
The university plays a crucial role in shaping students’ values and beliefs, reinforcing existing schemas while also introducing new perspectives and challenging pre-existing assumptions. Through formal coursework, extracurricular activities, and informal interactions with faculty and peers, students encounter diverse viewpoints and grapple with complex ethical and social issues. This exposure can broaden their horizons, challenge their assumptions, and inspire them to pursue careers that align with their newfound values and beliefs.
However, the university’s influence is not uniform across all students. Those who actively engage with the university’s intellectual and social life, participating in student organizations, attending lectures and seminars, and forming meaningful relationships with faculty and peers, are more likely to experience a transformative shift in their values and beliefs. In contrast, those who remain isolated or disengaged, limiting their interactions to a narrow circle of friends with similar backgrounds, are less likely to encounter new perspectives or challenge their pre-existing assumptions.
The market also exerts a significant influence on students’ career choices, particularly in the context of China’s rapidly evolving economy. As competition for scarce resources intensifies, students are increasingly pressured to prioritize pragmatism and financial security over idealism and personal fulfillment. The allure of high salaries, prestigious job titles, and the promise of upward mobility can be hard to resist, leading many students to pursue careers in finance, consulting, or technology, even if these fields do not align with their passions or values.
However, even within this market-driven environment, students still find ways to imbue their work with meaning and purpose. Some may choose to work for companies that align with their values, such as those focused on social impact or environmental sustainability. Others may find ways to express their creativity or contribute to their communities through volunteer work or side projects. Ultimately, even in the face of intense market pressures, students strive to find a balance between pragmatism and idealism, seeking careers that offer both financial security and personal fulfillment.
Zheng’s research reveals the complex interplay of these influences, showing how students navigate the tension between competing cultural schemas and individual aspirations to arrive at a career choice that feels both personally meaningful and socially acceptable. The challenges they face and the choices they make reflect not only their individual agency but also the broader social, cultural, and economic forces that shape their opportunities and aspirations.
As we’ve seen, the path to a successful career for elite university students in China is not simply a matter of hard work and academic achievement. It is a complex navigation of cultural norms, strategic choices, and personal values. By combining the two dimensions of “goal-oriented vs. intuition-dependent mode” and “strong vs. weak influence of values”, this book proposes a four-category model to offer a more nuanced understanding of the diverse pathways to success in China’s elite higher education system. These categories illuminate how social reproduction and social mobility are shaped by the interplay of structural forces and individual agency within this competitive arena.
1. Self-directors: Residing in the quadrant characterized by both strong goal-orientation and strong influence of values, these individuals possess a clear vision of their ideal future and actively shape their university experience to align with their aspirations. They are strategic and deliberate in their academic and extracurricular pursuits, seeking out opportunities to develop their skills and knowledge in areas that resonate with their values. They tend to prioritize careers that offer both personal fulfillment and social impact, often in fields such as academia, public service, or non-profit organizations. Their paths often involve a thoughtful and introspective process of self-discovery, seeking to align their passions and talents with a career that serves a greater purpose. Their strong internal compass and strategic acumen typically lead them to achieve their desired outcomes, often attaining elite positions within their chosen fields.
2. Opportunists: Occupying the quadrant marked by strong goal-orientation but weak influence of values, these individuals are highly driven and strategic, but their primary motivation lies in maximizing their material gains and social status. They excel at playing the game, adeptly navigating the system to secure prestigious internships, top grades, and coveted job offers. However, their pursuit of success is often detached from any deeply held values or sense of social purpose. They are more likely to prioritize careers in finance, consulting, or other high-paying industries, often prioritizing financial rewards over personal fulfillment or social impact. Their strategic acumen and willingness to adapt to the demands of the market often lead them to achieve significant material success, though their lack of a strong internal compass can lead to a sense of emptiness or disillusionment in the long run.
3. Followers: Positioned in the quadrant defined by weak goal-orientation but strong influence of values, these individuals are deeply committed to certain ideals, often instilled through family upbringing or university education, particularly the ethos of serving the nation and contributing to the collective good. However, they may lack the strategic awareness or proactive approach to translate these values into concrete career outcomes. They tend to be more reactive than proactive, following the path of least resistance or adhering to the expectations of their families or peers. They are more likely to pursue careers in government, state-owned enterprises, or other traditional institutions, seeking to fulfill their sense of social duty. While their career paths may not be as glamorous or lucrative as those of the “Self-directors” or “Opportunists,” they often find satisfaction in contributing to the collective good and living a life aligned with their values.
4. Strayers: Residing in the quadrant characterized by both weak goal-orientation and weak influence of values, these individuals are the most vulnerable to the pitfalls of the “cultural maze.” They often lack a clear sense of purpose or direction, struggling to define their goals or develop effective strategies to achieve them. They may drift through university, making decisions based on immediate interests, peer influence, or sheer happenstance, without a coherent plan for their future. Their lack of a clear internal compass makes them susceptible to the whims of the market, often settling for less desirable jobs or remaining stuck in a cycle of underemployment. They may experience a persistent sense of uncertainty and disillusionment, feeling lost and adrift in a world that seems to reward those with more ambition, clarity, and direction.
This four-category model sheds light on the complex interplay of structural forces and individual agency in shaping students’ pathways to success in elite higher education. The “Self-directors” and “Opportunists,” often hailing from more privileged backgrounds, are better equipped to navigate the system to their advantage. They have inherited the cultural capital and social networks necessary to succeed in this competitive arena.
However, the “Followers,” despite their lack of strategic acumen, can achieve a different kind of success by aligning their career choices with their deeply held values, often benefiting from the support and validation of family, community, and the university itself. The “Strayers,” on the other hand, are the most vulnerable to the pitfalls of the system, often lacking the resources, guidance, and self-awareness necessary to compete effectively.
This model highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of social reproduction and social mobility in elite higher education. While acknowledging the persistent influence of social class, it also recognizes the importance of individual agency, cultural schemas, and the transformative potential of university experiences in shaping students’ life trajectories.
Zheng Yajun’s “After the Golden List: The Mystery of College Graduates’ Divergent Paths” unveils a compelling yet unsettling truth: While elite universities offer a gateway to upward mobility, their halls echo with the quiet struggles of underprivileged students battling invisible cultural barriers. Her research illuminates the significance of the “goal-oriented mode” – a strategic approach to navigating university life – in achieving favorable career outcomes. This mode, however, is not simply a reflection of individual merit or ambition; it is deeply embedded in the cultural capital inherited from advantaged backgrounds, often leaving those less privileged adrift in a sea of uncertainty and missed opportunities.
The book underscores the urgent need to recognize and address these subtle yet powerful “cultural barriers” that hinder the success of underprivileged students. These barriers manifest in various forms: a lack of awareness regarding the “unwritten rules” of the elite academic and professional world, difficulty deciphering the hidden curriculum, limited access to valuable information and networks, and a sense of alienation stemming from a mismatch between their ingrained habits and the dominant culture of the elite. These challenges can lead to a diminished sense of self-efficacy, a reluctance to engage with authority figures, and a tendency to prioritize familiar comfort over strategic growth, ultimately hindering their ability to translate their academic achievements into tangible career advantages.
For underprivileged students seeking to break through these barriers, the journey requires conscious effort and proactive adaptation. Zheng offers several practical suggestions to navigate this challenging terrain:
“After the Golden List” is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the complex realities of higher education in China today. It offers a poignant and insightful analysis of the interplay of social class, culture, and education, revealing the invisible mechanisms that perpetuate inequality, even within the supposedly meritocratic halls of elite universities. Zheng’s research challenges us to move beyond simplistic notions of individual merit and acknowledge the persistent influence of structural forces on students’ life chances. Her work is a call to action for educators, policymakers, and anyone concerned with promoting social justice and creating a more equitable and inclusive higher education system.
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